by Paul ten Have
retired Associate Professor, Sociology,
University of Amsterdam
This is an invitation to (re-)consider the use of what I will call ‘collectivity nouns’. What I mean is nouns like ‘America’, ‘Europe’, etc, as well as their derivatives like ‘American’, and even pronouns such as ‘we’, when used to denote a collectivity such as ‘the American people’, or ‘Europeans’. I will in particular examine and criticize occasions in which such collectivities are discussed as if they were moral actors. My critique is intended to stay on the level of discourse. Its target is discursive practices rather than material ones.
My reflections were triggered by my reading of recent posts on the events in Egypt, by Tom Kando and reactions under the name of ‘Johnny’. I was at times a bit confused, or at least slightly irritated, by the terms and phrases they used.
I can, of course in the context of its use disambiguate ‘America’ as referring to the U.S.A., and Tom’s ‘we’ and ‘our’ as showing his identification with that same object. ‘Europe’ is more difficult; does that refer to the western part of the Eurasian continent, or to the EU or to a loosely defined cultural unity? For me, as a European, what strikes me most is the immense variety within Europe, socially, culturally, politically. It is only in a global contrast with other areas or countries, like ‘America’, that a semblance of a unitary object is created.
A rather different semantic problem concerns the events in Egypt: is what is happening there rightly called a revolution? I would say it is a ‘revolt’ or an uprising. The possibilities of a crack-down of the revolt, or a marginally adapted but firm restoration of the ancien regime do still exist.
Here are quotes concerning the America/Europe contrast in relation to Israel, which is a key factor in the further development of the events in the international arena. Kando and his opponent are in agreement that the issue of Israel is ‘complicated’.
Kando writes: “Europe is more critical of Israel than America is. America is more involved in the Middle Eastern Peace Process. It is not clear who is more right, and where anti-Zionism ebbs over into anti-Semitism. In light of 20th century history, Europe should not be too vocally anti-Israel.”
His opponent says: “Another reason you (that is the US) are spending so much in the middle east is to protect Israel. The resources it costs the US is immense and the moral justness of supporting this regime can be more and more questioned. (Especially from a Palestinian point of view.)”
And: “Europeans indeed have a lot of guilt for the genocide and atrocities practised by the Germans in WWII. However, I believe that you don't gain a right to practice atrocities by receiving them. Even atrocities on a different scale and certainly not against people who did not have anything to do with it.”
These densely formulated quotes seem to hint at a variety of reasonings that one needs to ‘unpack’ in order to understand and evaluate what is going on there. The first sentence in the Kando quote, ‘Europe is more critical of Israel than America is’, seems at first sight clear enough, and as a summary statement quite correct. It is not too clear however what the actual, concrete objects are of the terms “Europe’, ‘America’ and ‘Israel’. Tom probably meant to refer to a general trend in the public opinion of people in ‘Europe’ versus those in ‘America’. But what about the object ‘Israel’? This could include the very existence of ‘Israel’ as a state, the current or recent overall policy of the state, the general situation of ‘Israel’ (including the occupied territories and the settlements), and/or specific recent actions like the wars in Lebanon and Gaza. In the second part of his third sentence, ‘ It is not clear who is more right, and where anti-Zionism ebbs over into anti-Semitism’, Kando suggests that there are two basic attitudes, which he calls ‘anti-Zionism’ and ‘anti-Semitism’, which are hard to distinguish. The first can be defined as a negative attitude towards the Zionist project in toto, i.e the very existence of ‘Israel’, while the second refers to a general negative attitude towards Jews as Jews. His ‘punch line’ is: ‘In light of 20th century history, Europe should not be too vocally anti-Israel’. It is not hard to understand which part of ‘20th century history’ is meant here, the Shoah. And this is indeed what the opponent reads in it, as can be seen in his quotes above. What is suggested, then, is that because the Shoah happened in Europe, more than 60 years ago, Europeans should still not be openly critical of (any?, some? which?) aspects of 21st Century ‘Israel’.
The Shoah was undoubtedly one of the most unjust and terrible events in human history, inflicted on innocent individuals by the perverted Nazi regime in Germany. In many European countries they were assisted in their misdeeds by individual collaborators. But there were others, some in Germany, more in some other countries who resisted the Nazi pursuit, although most Europeans passively stood by (and were informed about the event and its scale only afterwards). The Nazi regime was defeated in 1945 and many things happened in the years following, both in Germany and elsewhere. One of these was the establishment of the State of Israel in Palestine in 1948. This certainly had lots to do with the Shoah, but it was also a culmination of the Zionist project which started much earlier.
Now I want to return to the words of Tom’s opponent. From the first quote above: “The resources it costs the US is immense and the moral justness of supporting this regime (the Israeli one) can be more and more questioned. (Especially from a Palestinian point of view.)” So he suggests that supporting the current Israeli regime is becoming more and more morally questionable. In the second quote he makes two separate statements. In the first he seems to agree with Tom: “Europeans indeed have a lot of guilt for the genocide and atrocities practised by the Germans in WWII.” But he adds: “However, I believe that you don't gain a right to practice atrocities by receiving them. Even atrocities on a different scale and certainly not against people who did not have anything to do with it.”
So both Tom and his opponent argue in terms of a collective European responsibility and guilt of Europeans for the Shoah, although they draw different consequences from it.
I disagree with this extended responsibility, extended first from the perpetrators and collaborators to all individuals living in the same part of the world, and second from those active in WW2 to the present population of Europe. Should I, a child during the war, refrain from criticising, say, phosphor bombing in Gaza, or olive tree destruction by settlers in the Occupied Territories, Tom? And should I feel ‘a lot of guilt for the genocide and atrocities practised by the Germans in WWII’, Johnny?
What I oppose, then, is the use of collectivity nouns in moral arguments. And I also oppose generalized moral statements on the qualities, positive or negative, of large scale population categories, whether based on nationality, race, religion and/or ethnicity. Nationalism and other ‘groupisms’ are a major pest in the history of humanity.
Over to you, whatever the category you identify with. leave comment here
6 comments:
Paul, I am very much in agreement with your objection to the use of collective nouns with regard to moral positions. I am currently in the process of writing a book on ethics, and I believe that there is a great tendency for people to confuse the term "moral" with the term "ethical." For purposes of clarity, I am suggesting that words like "moral" and "morality" apply only to individuals, while "ethics" and "ethical" should refer to groups of individals, such as societies or states. These definitions seem to resolve a lot of unnecessary contradictions. For example, during World War II, many countries took the ethical position that resistance to the Nazis was necessary, and declared war. On the other hand some individuals, such as pacifists and some Quakers, took a moral position that war was not justified under any circumstances. Thus, there was a conflict between the ethics of the state, and the morality of some individuals. I believe that it is always the perogative of an individual to take his or her own moral position, but as Socrates argued in the Crito, each indivdual must be prepared to accept the consequences of being in conflict with the ethical code of the country in which he lives.
On the use of Collectivity Nouns:
The use of collective nouns is less confrontational than "hey you." It is obvious that a generation cannot be responsible for prior events but semantics and elegant vocabulary should not obscure personal responsibility for current affairs. Much of the world's population is in strife. Who is going to volunteer their resources, wealth, and lives in an attempt to affect a better society? It is not "morally
questionable" to try to minimize chaos by providing BOTH SIDES with resources in Israel and Palestine. It is not acceptable to critcise VOLUNTEERS,if well meant, even though results are not perfect particularly while most of Europe cannot project power to help anywhere. If you want to avoid collective nouns,are you putting your money, efforts, and life on the line to create peace anywhere conflict is endemic and permanent? Please do not equate any part of German(my heritage also)participation in WWII with destruction of olive trees.
Professor ten Have raised an important point, as the use of collectivity nouns like "America" implies that all Americans think the same way, that Tom speaks for me as another American, as well as the State Department and the Defense Department. It is even somewhat offensive that Tom would presume to speak on my behalf of all Americans regarding Israel, Palestine, or the Holocaust.
Yet, Tom is right that generalizations are part of human nature. Our language is based on systems of classification in which adjectives (which are generalizations) modify nouns (which are other generalizations).
The longer the string of adjectives used in describing someone or something, the closer to the truth of the thing we get. Yet, you would need an infinite number of adjectives to know someone (say Tom) completely and transparently. Even Anita, after living with him many years, is not completely aware of everything that makes Tom what he is.
When you bump into someone on a blog and say "Americans think," you don't know if it is the view of Obama, the state department, the defense department, academics, liberals, conservatives, Jewish Americans, influential Americans, Tea Party people, or what. And when Tom uses such a generalization, Europeans may think he speaks on my behalf (another American). But, really he only speaks for himself.
Yet you have to start with generalizations. The problem with the Tom/Johnny dialogue is that it just scratched the surface of crudest generalizations--so thin as to convey only vague senses about what was in Tom's mind or Johnny's mind.
There are collectivities, and Wittgenstein was right to see them as overlapping circles. My membership in the United States is as a citizen, my rearing as a Lutheran gave me cultural forms different from an Islamic American. However, I share with my Islamic neighbor a common Old Testament that views God differently than our secular government. If I say I am "white" you might guess something about me, but if I say my father was a "white slave" you may wonder more about who I am.
Nevertheless, for the sake of peace and understanding, dialogue must go on. Free speech is necessary to make the dialogue work or people will be shut down for "hate speech" before they are even understood.
So let the dialogue continue.
Professor Paul correctly notes that the dialog between Kandos and his "opponent" is confused, and although I have been blogging about the "revolt" (correctly characterized as such by Paul), the confusion was such that I refrained from commenting an the Kando post. With Paul's contribution though, the conversation becomes more sociologically imaginative and more worthy of further comment.
I think that the idea of abandoning "collectivity" nouns is a bit of nonsense. The I and the WE are irreducible facets of human consciousness.The individual selves and the groups which give rise to those selves, cannot be disentangled. To say "I am an American" and that "Americans are like this", are both abstractions of the same order of magnitude. Neither is more "objective" than the other. Although every self is unique, that self is always embedded in some WE--family, community, religion, nation, etc. (Every snowflake is unique but the objective "reality" of snow is no less valid because of the uniqueness of each flake.)
The confusion of group identities have been amplified many fold with the rise of secular society following the Enlightenment, in which relations of economic utility became commingled. For example, the WE and I identity of the so-called Capitalist is fraught with ambiguity when compared with what it means to be be a Christian, Jew, German, American, Palestinian, or even Socialist. In today's parlance, Capitalism purports to describe an anarchic vision of individuals operating in terms of rational self-interest that is fundamentally divorced from any WE. Psychologists like this but Sociologists know this is bass-ackward.
This is of course the wellspring of the Western paradigm, myth and economic, in which the individual is seen as existing prior to and independent of, the groups to which they belong. This silliness is tantamount to saying that we actually do get to choose our parents, the community that shapes us, and the nation into which we a born. But these are the WEs that create us as unique individual agents--as snowflakes.
Speaking of WEs, the roots of the Jewish WE identity go back much farther than the Shoah, and they extend forward as well. Christian myth emerged in the story of the Jew as demonic other, the Christ Killer, and the enactment of that story has been played out over centuries in violent pogroms, exiles, ghettoizations and persecutions. Specifically, the relationship between European Christianity and European Jewry is of epic proportions not played out in other regions of the world (e.g. Asian Jewry).
(To be continued)
The WE of Zionism was a small force amongst the WE of European Jews at the turn of the 20th Century, bred of an admixture of intellectual Communism, Socialism, and Hebraic fundamentalism. Although the Zionists initiated their Israel project early in the 20th Century, that project only gained traction during and after the Holocaust, which was in fact, the ultimate European pogrom, carried out by Nazis but supported throughout Christian Europe (France, Belgium, Netherlands, Denmark, Germany, Austria, Poland, Romania, Russia, etc. etc. ). The claim that many Germans "didn't know" is nonsense.
I lived in Germany for some time and they are the first to admit they knew--all of Christian Europe knew, as they had known for a thousand years.
To understand the Jews and the formation of Israel, it is important to get the history correct.
Paul said, " The Nazi regime was defeated in 1945 and many things happened in the years following, both in Germany and elsewhere. One of these was the establishment of the State of Israel in Palestine in 1948. This certainly had lots to do with the Shoah, but it was also a culmination of the Zionist project which started much earlier."
The European powers that occupied the Ottoman Empire carved up the multitude of indistinctly defined Arab tribal regions into various nation states, often with total disregard for tribal affiliations that characterized Arab society. Palestine itself was a nebulous region in which Palestinians lived intertwined with Arabs and the few Zionist Jews who migrated there at the turn of the Century. The UN Partition of Palestine was a continuation of this European boundary-drawing process that was used this time, to solve "the Jewish problem" caused by the dispossession of the surviving European Jews. It was
only at this historical juncture that the confluence of interests between Christian Europe and the heretofore small Zionist movement, gained traction.
The UN Partition provided for TWO states, Palestine and Israel. A much debated point is, why did the Palestinians refuse to accept the two state solution? One thing is clear, the surrounding Arab states were militantly opposed to the two-state solution. Did they sabotage the partition plan?
Many say yes but WE can say at least, they didn't help. Part of the reasoning of the Arab world was that given their vast numerical superiority, they should be able to make short work of the newly born Israel.
Their miscalculation is something that haunts the Arab world today. In Arab-Islamic culture, matters such as pride, honor and revenge are very much a part of the Arab WE. (In the 70s I traveled throughout the Middle East and lived for a year in Afghanistan and admired this trait greatly.)
It is important to note that the Arab world is not anti-Semitic.Anti-Semitism is a Christian phenomenon. For the Arab world, the issue is not Jews but the European occupation that resulted in the dissolution of a dimly remembered pan-Arabic empire, the imposition of false national boundaries, and militant support of despotic national leaders.
(To be continued)
As we are currently witnessing, in the Arab-Islamic world, national affiliations are weak at best. Despotic leaders have long been part of tribal affiliations, but historically, these have been fluid in nature The European model of nation-states is not a historical reality for the people of the region. Nation-state constructions reflect Western interests in which compliant tribal leaders were ensconced as national leadership, bought off by Western influence and money.
So the nation-state structures in the Middle East are recent and tenuous Western creations, and the Arab resistance to so such structures makes sense. Israel is a foreign body, a non-Arab, European nation-state that must be cast out from the body of the Arab world.
In many ways, the European nation-state model does not make sense in the Middle East. Unlike most European states, these artificial national entities do not have the resources be self-sustaining except by way of Western client nations. This is the crux of the Middle East problem today.
So what about Israel?
For Christian Europe, Israel was a solution to the "Jewish problem" that is now perceived as falling apart because of the Jews who are now acting like Nazis---that's just the way Jews are.
For the Arab world, the state of Israel is a thorn in their side--an affront to pan-Arabic pride and honor.
For the Israeli people, Israel it is a defensible, they hope, ghetto. It is their last stand against violent and genocidal oppression that has been burned into their genetic memory for 2000 years.
Whether the attacker be European Christian or Arab Muslim, by what method should then defend themselves.
Both have shown in words and deeds that the Jews are expendable. The most remarkable fact is that neither of these WEs have shown any desire to spare the Jews in pursuance of each WEs collective aims. As in the past, the Jews of Israel live daily under the existential threat of annihilation---a threat that is supported in historical fact and daily experience. We must ask...
Who created the Holocaust? Many say the Jews did it, but they did not. Christian Europe did.
Who created Israel? Some say the Jewish Zionists did, but they did not. Christian Europe (the UN) did.
Like Iran, Iraq, Jordan, etc, today's Israel is, thanks to European ambition, a nation-state fait accompli. The Israeli Jews can no more accommodate the Palestinian/Arab demands than they could the demands of Hitler and his European co-conspirators. If you doubt this, read the terms of accommodation set out by those Arab groups that do not outwardly profess the aim of driving the Jews into the sea (e.g. "Right of Return"). The terms are always tantamount to the destruction of Israel.)
It's hard to know what is "right" given the mess created by Christian Europe. Reason says that Israel and Palestine can be sorted out quite simply, but these are not matters of reason. These are matters of WE vs THEY. From my standpoint, WE cannot allow the Jews to be destroyed again--whatever its takes. The Jews of Israel have already come to that conclusion for themselves.
Now you figure it out.
PS - This should also help you to figure out what is going on in Egypt.Nasser was the quintessential Pan-Arabist.
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